Singularité des slums: Production de l'espace dans la ville indienne

Contemporary urbanism, as a science and ideology, sometimes induces a violence of urbanization that is exercised through formal planning on informal settlements. The latter are marginalized through processes of (in)visibility that exclude them from the city development. In the face of this domination, informal settlements are resisting their programmed erasure through self-construction and assemblage practices. They continue to grow massively in cities around the world, to the point of becoming the most important form of urban housing of the 21st century. By analyzing Indian informal settlements, the slums, the thesis focuses on the production of urban space and its spatial contradictions resulting mainly from a dichotomous relationship between the formal and the informal, which most often stems from the city's decision-makers. In this way, it helps to understand how norms are constantly being reworked and creating their own transgressions. This phenomenon leads to the production of a heterogeneous and multiple city. While scientific literature on slums has long focused on describing a condition considered unacceptable by elites and governments, the research is based on a field of study that attempts to highlight the reality and practices of these marginalized neighborhoods. The slum is thus established as a heuristic object in order to operate an epistemological rupture between the slum as a deficient element of the city and the slum as a driving principle of urban planning. The aim is therefore to show how slum-dwellers are resisting and overcoming, both socially and spatially, the informal status assigned to them by the Indian government, reflecting a new type of hybrid urbanity. By combining a critical approach of power relationships between dominant and dominated with empirical research carried out in several slums in Chennai (Tamil Nadu), the thesis questions the production of space in slums in two ways: the complex reality of power relations between urban planning and urban dwellers that contribute to the formation and destruction of slums; and the spatial and social practices carried out by slum-dwellers. These two ways allows us to understand the slum, not as a failure of urban development, but as a singularity of the Indian city. This recognition leads to a new urban order that considers the spatial logic of its occupants as an "alternative modernity". It makes it possible to (re)theorize the Indian city as a result of urban struggles between dominant and dominated groups as well as hybridization processes between vernacular traditions and modern practices. Considered as a theoretical figure, the slum leads to an innovative interpretation of the urban problems that constitutes an alternative to universalizing urban theories but also, and especially, to the practices that result from them. It is thus possible to consider a dialogue between modern spatial production, local practices and self-construction in order to better understand the processes of space production in Global South cities. In this manner, the slum becomes a new Indian urban paradigm, but also an universal object of contemporary urbanization that planners and architects must take into account in order to propose a type of urban planning that aims at reducing the inadequacies between "conceived space" and "lived space".

Planification urbaine et usages des quartiers précaires en Afrique

Benjamin Michelon

Since 2000, declarations issued in rapid succession by the international community have aimed at setting goals to drastically improve the living conditions of slum dwellers while, in the same time, the slums dwellers increased by 4,5% per year in Africa. Simultaneously, we have witnessed changes in the manner in which city residents perceive space: in today's city, the relationship between places and flows constitutes the new living space and sense of belonging (Castells, 1996). With the changes in the information society, space of flows are transformed into power flows, concentrated in space of flows which dominates more and more space of places, peripheriques areas where flows takes place everyday. Using this theory as grid, it is to re-examine the evolution of urbanization in African cities and their shantytowns. Indeed, this process of domination of the space of flows has implications for the planning approaches and uses of space of place in slums. This dual vision, putting power to the flows of space valued by the elites'cities of the living spaces of places experienced by people, is used to observe, name and understand the past and the future of cities. These elements have resulted in the formulation of a number of questions that have served as guidelines for this research. This research first targets the development of the urbanization process and the role of precarious neighborhoods: what measures are now being implemented by the authorities to reconcile the need to improve the competitiveness of African cities (advocated by donors) with the expectations of people in poor neighborhoods? In a second phase, the role of these neighborhoods' community areas is evaluated: are they a media to be valued and included in the projects to restructure the neighborhoods? Two assumptions have emerged from said questions. The first concerns the process of urbanization in African cities. This involves an analysis of the balance of power between the application of modernizing planning practices and the use of space by the residents of the neighborhoods. The second questions the role of community spaces as efficient public areas within the framework of projects to upgrade the neighborhood. The expected results of this thesis aim i) to understand the evolution of these precarious areas in the building of African cities, ii) to learn about the place and the role of community spaces and to learn from neighborhood upgrading projects. For this study, two cities were chosen: Douala (Cameroon's economic capital) and Kigali (Rwanda's political capital). For each, two methodological perspectives were adopted: the first is a comprehensive study of the entire city, based on plans, planning documents, interviews with local officials, archive documents; and the second is as a local study carried out in a market area of the city, based on observations, interviews, a questionnaire developed from a representative sample of traders, and a social and spatial analysis of the neighborhood. This approach is therefore comparative (two cities and two districts), multi-scale (two scales of analysis), historical (identifying cultural, social and political customs) and interdisciplinary (even holistic to a certain extent, taking into account different disciplines such as law, economics and urban sociology). Ultimately, this study reveals both the local specificities and differences of each city. These dissimilarities were largely developed in the presentation of these territories. They are indeed important, especially for the city of Kigali, which is undergoing a process of post-genocidal reconstruction. However, it also appears that each city's path contains a significant number of common characteristics, mainly linked to the responses they provide to urban problems: globalization today tends to standardize practices. The first element common to both areas is urban duality. This process occurs first in an urban form. The African city today remains a binary geographical entity: the city that separated the indigenous people from the settlers was succeeded by a post-colonial city marking the separation between the inherited formal city and the informal city in creation. This urban confrontation can be seen as a form of inertia, defined as a rectilinear uniform advance, suitable for the fabric of the city. The analysis of the evolution of city planning shows that projects have failed to break this logic. The delay accumulated in this field since the 80s had the effect of amplifying the phenomenon. Furthermore, this duality is reflected in the urban power struggle between the authorities and the inhabitants. On the one hand, the authorities seem determined to reproduce and keep constant both tension with and distance to the population, seeking to maintain their social control over the population. On the other hand, residents of poor neighborhoods regularly claim a "right to the city". This inertia does not mean a lack of change. This manifests itself through urban crises which temporarily break the balance. A new order is then implemented, replicating the urbanization process that prevailed in the old order. In a second phase, this research highlights the struggle for territory which emerges in these African cities. Indeed, in the midst of the general trend of inertia and reproduction, a few evolutions are worth mentioning. There is first of all a real spatial and social fragmentation of urban areas. This process occurs both in the slums and the formal rich neighborhoods mushrooming more and more on the outskirts of the city (near the urban ring roads serving these new places in which to live). To this diversification of territorial situations can be added an increasing number of slum upgrading projects, the results of which fail to meet the original targets. Moreover, even within neighborhoods, there is a fragmentation of community spaces, such as markets. The latter have undergone an important evolution since the 80s, sometimes leading to conflict between this type of local trade and the business carried out in shopping malls, which is claimed to be modern. The influence of the space of flows and the implementation planning process promote liberal "modern" sector, consisting of subsidiaries of large corporations, supermarket chains to a upper class people, while causing profound changes in space with neighborhood markets. The challenge of planning for the city of tomorrow appears to reduce this duality and to take into account this duality to prevent the development of precarious neighborhoods and urban fragmentation.

EPFL2012

Urbanisation, planification urbaine et modèles de ville en Afrique de l'Ouest

Jérôme Chenal

Background Phenomena like rapid growth, unmanageable cities, an urban space in crisis, and the disproportionate expansion of capital cities have rendered instruments traditionally associated with planned urbanism ill-suited for city planning today. Traditional urban planning instruments, plans and top-down approaches are now generally pitched against participatory and bottom-up approaches. Today, the city is re-designed through its residents and its stakeholders. Without overlooking the role of participatory approaches in the creation of a city, we must first examine traditional instruments like plans and city models, the motivation behind them as well as the way in which they are constructed. In order to comprehend the urban dynamics at play and the stakes associated with the public space, the next step will be to conduct a comparative study between available planning knowledge and the public space. Research has already addressed this issue at two distinct levels: the city as a whole and the public space. A comparison of these two levels will enable us to identify the link between the shape a city takes as the result of plans or as a result of local practices. The role of the city as a restrictive or a constructive force will also be examined. This procedure will improve our understanding of how these levels interact. Starting at the micro level – the street, local practices and strategies of city stakeholders – we shall seek to return the general, to those elements which call into question the city in its entirety. The aim here is to deduce and propose innovative approaches to city planning. Our analysis of the city as a whole will look at its history, its spatial development as well as planning and design documentation. The aim here is to identify those major trends which emerge independently of the plans. Our analysis of the public space will look at the ground itself. In other words, we shall examine the street as the environment in which the stakes of the city take root. In African society, the public space questions the city in terms of its social, economic, cultural, political and spatial dimensions. In this era of globalisation, the public space has consolidated its position as a site of experimentation and of the collective construction of economic and social alternatives (WP2, 2005). As such, it has become a shield against the social annihilation of at-risk populations. In order to provide a thorough analysis of this issue, three African cities were selected which are interesting for three reasons. First, they are examples of a new city. Second, from the moment they were founded they had urbanism plans in place. Third and finally, they are heavily characterised by informal "urbanism". Case study Nouakchott, Mauritania. Dakar, Senegal. Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire. General research objectives The general objective of the present research is to analyse how the urbanisation process, urban models, social practices, spatial changes (to the public space) as well as the management and planning approaches of cities in Western Africa are interlinked. Here the public space is analysed and understood in terms of not only its social, spatial and cultural dynamics, but also the dynamics that lead to the inclusion or exclusion of urban stakeholders. The aim of the research is to reach a critical understanding of traditional urban planning instruments and to propose pathways for the creation of innovative tools to render the city manageable and amenable to planning. Research questions Does the planning of the city and of the public space constitute complementary elements of the same reality? Or are they disconnected? A detailed analysis of public spaces and of urbanism plans for the city will provide answers to these questions. This, in turn, will generate a more advanced understanding of how both the city as a whole and the public space are perceived, managed and planned. The next question is to ascertain whether the three cities studied here are designed according to the same model, and if so, which one. An examination of the public space and the planning documentation of the three cities will allow us to identify their common features, and to conclude that not only are they similar, but they are also the product of a single unique ideology. The ideology which underpins the planning of these cities is an import, a sort of westernisation of the space. We shall thus focus on how African cities experience and live this phenomenon, as well as investigate its influence, if any, on spatial and social practices. A further question which will be addressed is whether the city is created despite of or thanks to planning efforts. Finally, depending on the answer to the preceding question, we shall endeavour to ascertain how the city can be planned today in Africa. What work must today's urban planners undertake in order to account for the urban reality, specifically the urban dynamics, stakeholder strategies, as well as the social practices of the hundreds of thousands of people who constitute the city? General hypotheses The main hypotheses are : 1 : The evolution of the African city, even during the years immediately after gaining independence from France, continues to follow the same rules that underpinned their founding. This is also true of the instruments at the disposal of the urban planner, which reflect a certain idea of a city and earlier urban planning practices, namely those adopted during the colonial era and originating in Europe ; 2 : The stakes of the public space are identical, as cities adopt the same approach to its management and planning; the effects are therefore also the same. 3 : The homogenisation of the urban space and city models leads to the standardisation of practices on the streets and of lifestyles that cease to be contingent on a given context or environment. The end effect is a disconnection of the city from its environment. Methodology The research is divided into three stages. The first deals with planning instruments and the trajectories followed by the cities, from spatial development to the analysis of the planning-related documentation. By means of a literature review, an archives' search as well as interviews with institutional stakeholders, we shall outline the various trajectories followed by each of the three cities, their composition, and their monographs, before comparing and contrasting all three. The second stage of the research involves a probing examination of the African public space in the three cities selected. We shall use the medium of photography to understand the city. Photographs will also serve as a point of reference during interviews with urban stakeholders. We shall also conduct a press review. The knowledge gained during the first two stages should allow us in the third stage to test hypotheses, to cross-check the findings so far with those arising from the city comparison. A critical interpretation of city management and planning tools as well as urban policies will be undertaken, based on the knowledge accumulated in the earlier stages of the research. The results should then inform proposals and recommendations for new "innovative" planning tools. Main results Below is a summary of the main research results : The African city is not a self-constructed and self-regulated entity, as is often claimed. It is subject to attempts to control the production of the urban space. Yet, for myriad reasons these controls fail, which generates the impression that the city is unplanned. The research also underlines the importance of context, whether it is geographical or climatic. The comparison of the three cities revealed the major influence of rains (overwintering period) on the day-to-day management of the city. The elite in each of the countries studied strive for modernity, yet this is far from the chief aspirations held by most city residents. Planning which was motivated by demographics and industry has failed. Indeed, the history of planning in each of our cities clearly shows us that the approaches taken to urban planning are the same, regardless of the year in which these plans were devised. The glaring mismatch between the two levels of intervention (planning and the public space) reflects the lack of consideration given to permeability between these levels. It also underlines the need for the city to be defined by the aspirations of its inhabitants and not by the imposition of a specific city model. Finally, the study shows the urgent need for city planning which centre on the individual and takes account of personal practices and strategies. In other words, city planning should be based on the urban dynamics of each individual. Main conclusions The design, planning and management of Western African cities remain unchanged since their founding. There has been no paradigm shift, neither at the time of independence, nor during the major urban crises of the 1980s. Despite the fact that each of three cities studied were produced in the same way, their public spaces differ radically depending on the prevailing climatic, environmental, cultural and social context. Temporalities change, the presence of men and women varies and the localisation strategies adopted by street-sellers in each of the cities differ. Far removed from the generally held image of the city as a global and de-territorialised entity, the city is in fact heavily reliant on its environment. Finally, to ensure the effectiveness of any planning activities, the city must be considered within its territorial context. Planning must also be based on the individuals that inhabit the city and their personal environment.

EPFL2009

Comprendre la construction des périphéries urbaines à Lomé et Yaoundé

Armel Firmin Kemajou Mbianda

Urbanization in Sub-Saharan Africa is mainly marked by an extremely high speed. For a couple of decades, it has become more and more difficult to study and control the urbanization processes using the available means due to their rapidity. These conditions do not allow to master social, cultural and economic potentials of urbanization at their best so as to develop the countries in the sub-Saharan region of Africa. The binding speed of urban sprawl that we are witnessing further leads to an accelerated consumption of natural spaces, and more generally, to a degradation of natural ecosystems; while the urgency to tackle the environmental crisis requires the establishment of more sustainable models of cities. Indeed, in addition to the rapid consumption of natural spaces, cities are responsible the most for the global production of greenhouse gases and other negative externalities for the environment. This is why our response to climate change necessarily involves smart choices in urban planning. In my doctoral research the urban peripheries are what constitute the most relevant research objects â the crucial ingredients to debate on the African city of the future. Surprisingly, very little attention has ever been drawn on them. I hold that no urban planning would be effective without a careful study of the shared reality of social, economic, political and cultural dynamics of the cities concerned. This hypothesis further leads me to offer a solid understanding of construction mechanisms in the peripheral areas of such two large cities as LomÃ© and YaoundÃ© in thinking about the models of the future. A two-tier triangulation is used to achieve the study goal. Three different thematic entries namely urban land, mobility and the legal framework for town planning get used at the theoretical level. At the methodological one, a variety of tools are made available for data collection and analysis to deal with the difficult processes of accessing urban data. GPS tracking of motorcycle taxis operating in emerging neighborhoods, participatory mapping for land use and prices at the agglomeration level, Geo-Computation, Geo-visualization, content analysis and more traditional interviews are the main methods used in my research. The thesis shows that the construction of a larger portion of new neighborhoods in the cities of LomÃ© and YaoundÃ© result in a weaving of a sort of âindividual urbanistic projectsâ, which are totally outside the rule of law. The speed and spatiality of this process are also strongly increased by motorcycle taxisâmeans of transport unprecedented in their scaleâwhich come massively along with the new residentsâ home ownership projects. Again, the thesis highlights that the configuration of the land market escapes the administrative limits of cities, thus rendering the lawful measures non-operational in the planning and monitoring of space. All in all, the research results reveal individual strategies to be extremely varied and complex even if all residents of urban peripheries seem like to âbet onâ their urban status to regain it later. This latest finding dispels the myth that the lower middle class moves as far from the city center as possible in search of affordable land. On the basis of major results, the thesis formulates practical recommendations aimed at improving urban planning policies in sub-Saharan Africa, in the sense of making them more in line with the reality of the cityâs production processes.

EPFL2020