A Framework for Measuring Urban Sprawl from Crowd-Sourced Data

The amount of people living in cities by 1800 was roughly around 3 percent of the world population. This number has increased dramatically during the last centuries, and currently it is estimated that one out of two people lives in cities. Furthermore, according to United Nations 60 percent of the world population will live in cities by 2030. This situation brings new challanges on how to conceive cities that host such amounts of population in a sustainable way while sacrificing as little as possible the inhabitants’ quality of life. This sustainability should address to several aspects that can be classified as economical, social and environmental. The cities are and will be centers of economical activity, and thus should provide facilities for business, innovation and culture. Such economical development should benefit all the levels of the social hierarchy, preventing inequalities and social segregation. The environmental part concerns the efficient utilization of the resources as well as the minimization of the impact on the ecosystems that sourround such cities. A convenient public transportation network, the preservation of green areas, the recycling of waste or the use of renewable energies are some examples of means to reduce the cities’ environmental impact. Unluckily by taking a look at the current megacities, it can be easily observed that very few of them meet the sustainability characteristics formerly reviewed. This can be partly explained by the urbanism pattern that derives from the processes of industrialization. When a city experiences such industrialization, with the related economic growth and the expansion of transportation networks, the middle class tends to migrate towards the outskirts of the city, potentially to live in terraced houses sorrounded by green areas. Such a pattern is commonly referred to as urban sprawl, and it was first observed in London and Paris during the 19th century. Cities like New York, Chicago went through this process during the early 20th century, and so did most central and northern- European cities around 1970-1990. Nowadays urban sprawl might even be more prevalent in developing countries, as it is the case with Mexico City, Beijing, Delhi, Johannesburg or Cairo.

Villes à la frontière et transformation de l'espace

Lena Poschet El Moudden

Few borders exist which separate two countries as dramatically disparate as the Dominican Republic and Haiti. Both share the territory of the Hispaniola island, but a profound process of differentiation rooted in the colonial division of the island between France and Spain and ideologically maintained by both modern nations, has lead to what Théodat (1998, 2003) calls the "twofold insularity" – each country behaves as if it were located on a separate island. In spite of all prejudices and ethnical, historical, linguistic, social, economic or religious differences, people living in the border regions established cross-border relations which, even if largely based on economic interests, are much more frequent and important to both nations than officially admitted (De Jesus Cerdano and Dilla, 2005; Sillé & Segura & Cabral, 2002). The local dynamic created by this exchange becomes palpable when one observes the busy binational market in the border towns of Ouanaminthe (Haiti) and Dajabón (Dominican Republic). Twice a week, people from nearly the whole northern part of both countries travel to these towns located on either side of the Masacre River, in order to buy and sell goods or to offer services in the market of Dajabón. The other days, tons of cargo transit to Haiti, to the extent that the once small borderland settlements have become an important junction in the economic subsystem of the northern part of the island. Moreover, the construction of a free zone in Ouanaminthe in 2002 –to produce textiles for the US-market– has connected the borderland towns to the international economy. This recent development is set within a context of progressive opening of borders (Martinez, 1994). It is the result of international policies that have been decided in the capitals, without consulting the concerned regions. In Ouanaminthe and Dajabón, local institutions are weak and receive no or little financial and administrative support from central administration. They do not have the means to cope with growing pressure on land and infrastructure, as the emergence of legal and illegal livelihood opportunities in the borderland has generated a threefold increase of the overall population in the past twenty years (Dajabón grew from 8'500 inhabitants in 1980 to 16'000 in 2002 and Ouanaminthe from 7'000 in 1981 to 39'000 in 2003). How did these recent economic, political and societal transformations shape the urban space of the two borderland towns? I addressed this issue by analyzing the motivation of stakeholders involved in the process of spatial transformation, and the impact of their actions. In my work I refer to the conceptual framework of urban intermediation (Bolay and Rabinovich, 2004), i.e. the spatial issues that each town has to address according to its internal characteristics, its function in national and international networks and its relation to the direct rural environment. In order to use this framework for the borderland issues, the conceptual part of this study proposes to develop the concept of "borderland intermediation". To the existing urban intermediation concept, it adds the influence of the characteristics of the border (based on policy and political aspects, economic issues, local identities, social networks, national defense issues and geographical insertion). By doing so, it relates the bi-national system of borderland towns to the intermediation concept. Data has been collected over three and a half years during several periods of fieldwork: observation and mapping of occupation and use of urban space, cartography, qualitative interviews with local stakeholders and residents, completed by other primary and secondary sources. This study shows that the recent transformations have accentuated the existing unbalanced relationship between the two towns. The powerlessness of the municipality of Ouanaminthe to meet population growth and to impose regulations or taxes related to the growing trade has enhanced its dependency to the Dominican town. For a growing number of Haitians, it is of existential importance to cross over to Dajabón in order to seek income, healthcare and education and this, in spite of latent racism and mistreatments. Founded on a strong sentiment of exploitation, Haitians often criticize the capitalist or even colonialist relationship imposed by their neighbors: not only the fact that the bi-national market takes place in Dajabón, but also that Dominican enterprises develop subsidiaries in Ouanaminthe, taking advantage of cheap labor and the absence of local production. On the contrary, the majority of Dajabón residents interviewed do not need to cross the river for their living. Most of them have never been to Ouanaminthe, but consider it insalubrious, out of control and dangerous. Both towns lack application of regulations in urban planning matters. Thus, spatial growth has entirely been ruled by landowner structure and land occupation practices. Around Dajabón, the adjacent land belongs mainly to two landowners, whose strategy –to enhance soil value through development of equipped middleclass neighborhoods– has restricted the urban sprawl. In Ouanaminthe land belongs to a multitude of small peasants. The selling and illegal occupation of rather small plots leads to sprawling urban growth, guided by rural pathways and leaving entire parts of neighborhoods inaccessible to motor vehicles. Population growth has also been absorbed by high densification of existing neighborhoods. No formal collaborations exist between the two municipalities. Informal ones do, through the implication of the two mayors, but overall, cross-border collaboration is left to NGOs and professional associations who militate for human rights, environmental issues and fair treatment inside the bi-national market. International development agencies present in the borderland initiate projects with bi-national concern, but these are disconnected from the local level and strongly influenced by the fact that these agencies relate directly to the central governments. We also observe a process of internal segregation in both towns, as commercial establishments progressively occupy parts of the town centers and the emergent middle class gathers in specific neighborhoods. Ouanaminthe and Dajabón are functionally interlinked and their transformation is undeniably governed by the progressive permeability of the border. Nevertheless, this border separates two completely different urban landscapes that are deeply marked by the internal characteristics of each town. Furthermore, the unequal and complex relationship of both populations creates the paradox that their spatial proximity accentuates the segregation in both towns, as it allows the citizens of both countries to stay in their environment and to commute –if necessary– even daily. This work shows that the application of the intermediation concept is relevant for the study of complex relationships that govern borderland space. The analysis based on this concept has enabled to study, on a local level, processes that are taking place on a global level. In so doing, it has allowed us to provide some answers to the central question: "How do local populations, national and international firms and governments react when a territorial economy, based on agriculture, is progressively linked to international networks? "

EPFL2006

Métropolisation, habitat précaire et relogement forcé: entre phénomènes d'exclusion et tactiques populaires d'intégration

Sébastien Wust

This work was carried out within the interdisciplinary scientific program named "Sustainable Development, Metropolisation and Pollution of Natural Resources in Ho Chi Minh-City, Vietnam". This program, launched in 1994, is financed by the Swiss National Science Foundation (Priority Program Environment, Module 7 "Environment and development"). The main goal of this thesis is to grasp the social, economic and spatial dimensions at stake of involuntary resettlement of precarious settlements. in the context of developing countries' metropolisation. One of the approach selected fits within a thorough study of southern metropolis evolution dynamics, more precisely that of disadvantaged neighbourhoods. Moreover, we decided to develop a specific approach of involuntary resettlement, which is constructed using mainly two dialectical and interdependent concepts: exclusion and integration. In this way, this work differs from the most frequently used theoretical models, which are based on impoverishment or stress dimensions. In third world metropolis, government forces have an increasing tendency to turn to involuntary resettlement in order to implement or promote urban planning. Every year, approximately 6 million people are forced to move into an urban environment. This concerns mainly the most underprivileged sections of the population corning from precarious settlements. In recent times, this phenomenon has grown to such a point that some international institutions have even talked about the century of involuntary resettlement. The theoretical framework of this thesis refers to three different fields of knowledge, which nevertheless are linked to one another. The first field concerns developing countries metropolisation. Closely associated with the globalisation and polarisation of international trade, this process leads not only to the rise of exclusion but also to the dualisation of economic, social and political spheres and the fragmentation of urban spaces. The second theoretical field of study is based on questions raised by precarious settlements in southern metropolis. We analyse the way vulnerable populations living in disadvantaged neighbourhoods develop urban integration tactics in order to counter metropolitan exclusion forces and to alleviate precariousness. Finally, the third field is part of involuntary resettlement problematic. While it shares a close link to public policy evaluation, this problematic analyses the institutional values, norms, and practices underlying relocation policies of the people living in disadvantaged neighbourhoods. Our goal is also to develop a better understanding of the consequences associated to this kind of urban program and the way they might contribute to strengthening living conditions as well as residential situation precariousness for those who have been forced to move, leading them to develop defence mechanisms in order to guaranty their integration in the metropolis. In this analysis, we will focus on Ho Chi Minh-City and on the relocation program concerning the populations living in Nhieu Loc-Thi Nghe canal's precarious settlements. In the empirical part of this work, we will analyse and measure the consequences of this policy on their living conditions as well as on their behaviour. We will try to analyse to what extent those consequences tend to increase exclusion of underprivileged populations, limit their integration capacity, and enhances their residential mobility towards new precarious settlements that fit more to the aspirations, and above all, to the means of the underprivileged. Given the complexity of the topic covered in this work, we opted for an interdisciplinary approach. It appeals to different fields of social sciences: sociology, economics, geography, political sciences, but also architecture and urban planning. Moreover, we chose a quantitative as well as a qualitative method. Based on a multidimensional analysis of Nhieu Loc-Thi Nghe canal's population living in precarious settlements, we will be able to grasp the discriminating dimension of involuntary resettlement policy set up by metropolitan authorities as well as its severe impact on the population at a residential, social and economical level. Restrictive economic criteria or in some cases insufficient compensations offered by public authorities are such that a number of persons are excluded from the program. But on top of that, part of the families relocated in modern and salubrious apartments suffer from exclusion. As regards housing, the new apartments are characterised by their limited residential functions. This is mainly due to constraints linked to high rise housing, which acts as an economic and social barrier. In terms of social organisation, involuntary resettlement leads to a family nuclearisation process, and traditional sociability tends to turn to a more individualistic way of life, a phenomenon which results in a partial deconstruction of solidarity and protection networks. Finally, at the domestic economy level, resettled populations have to deal with an increase in service charges as well as working conditions deterioration which involve decreasing incomes. Although this modern way of life appeals to resettled families, most of them are brought to develop new integration tactics in order to limit involuntary resettlement exclusion effects. These tactics are to a large extent conservative inasmuch as they tend to reproduce ways of life and space habits characteristic of the former residential areas. To a large extent, they are characterised by palliative measures of space utilisation, professional insertion, income improvement and domestic means reallocation. Despite their willingness, families have a hard time fighting against resettlement exclusion forces. Residential mobility as well as subsidised apartments resale then become the way for some families to minimise precarious living conditions. Nevertheless, the benefits they gain from these illegal practices are often insufficient for them to buy or build an accommodation close to the center of the metropolis. The only possibility left to the reseller is then to rent a dwelling unit in a disadvantaged neighbourhoods or to move on the outskirts. While residential mobility leads to the creation of new precarious settlements in Ho Chi Minh-City, some families living conditions as well as residential situation keep on deteriorating, a decline which might bring some of them to experience a kind of urban nomadism. While the results of our study confirm the hypothesis stated at the beginning of this work, they also point out how hard it is to fulfill the housing aspirations of the most underprivileged considering the precariousness of their living conditions. The inadequacy of precarious settlements relocation policy is even worse when based on a modernist and standardised approach of the housing problem which favours typological and technical dimensions of residential space to the detriment of social, economic and ecological dimensions. What is at stake in involuntary resettlement concerns mainly the multidimensional mechanisms of exclusion and integration of which depends the subsistence of the most underprivileged in Ho Chi Minh-City. Urban authorities need to make political adjustments if they want resettlement impacts to fit the goals of sustainable development. In order to achieve this objective, popular participation and exchange between involved actors is the first condition they need to fulfill for the implementation of any policy in order to fight against exclusion and promote the integration of the most underprivileged as well as for any policy which aims to take into account the capacity of urban ecosystems.

EPFL2001

Sustainable Development, Planning and Poverty Alleviation

Jean-Claude Bolay, Eléonore Labattut

In 2018, the world population is around 7.6 billion, 4.2 billion in urban settlements and 3.4 billion in rural areas. Of this total, according to UN-Habitat, 3.2 billion of urban inhabitants live in southern countries. Of them, one billion, or nearly a third, live in slums. Urban poverty is therefore an endemic problem that has not been solved despite all initiatives taken to date by public and private sectors. This global transformation of our contemporary societies is particularly challenging in Asia and Africa, knowing that on these two continents, less than half of the population currently lives in urban areas. In addition, over the next decades, 90% of the urbanization process will take place in these major regions of the world. Urban planning is not an end in itself. It is a way, human and technological, to foresee the future and to act in a consistent and responsible way in order to guarantee the well-being of the populations residing in cities or in their peripheries. Many writers and urban actors in the South have criticized the inadequacy of urban planning to the problems faced by the cities confronting spatial and demographic growth. For many of them the reproduction of Western models of planning is ineffective when the urban context responds to very different logics. It is therefore a question of reinventing urban planning on different bases. And in order to address the real problems that urban inhabitants and authorities are facing, and offering infrastructures and access to services for all, this with the prospect of reducing poverty, to develop a more inclusive city, with a more efficient organization, in order to make it sustainable, both environmental than social and economic. The field work carried out during recent years in small and medium-sized cities in Burkina Faso, Brazil, Argentina and Vietnam allows us to focus the attention of specialists and decision makers on intermediate cities that have been little studied but which are home to half of the world's urban population. From local diagnoses, we come to a first conclusion. Many small and medium-sized cities in the South can be considered as poor cities, from four criteria. They have a relatively large percentage of the population is considered to be poor; the local government and its administration do not have enough money to invest in solving the problems they face; these same authorities lack the human resources to initiate and manage an efficient planning process; urban governance remains little open to democratic participation and poorly integrates social demand into its development plans. Based on this analysis, we consider it is imperative to renovate urban planning as part of a more participatory process that meets the expectations of citizens with more realistic criteria. This process incorporates different stages: an analysis grounded on the identification of urban investment needed to improve the city; the consideration of the social demands; a realistic assessment of the financial resources to be mobilized (municipal budget, taxes, public and international external grants, public private partnership); a continuous dialogue between urban actors to determine the urban priorities to be addressed in the coming years. This protocol serves as a basis for comparative studies between cities in the South and a training program initiated in Argentina for urban actors in small and medium-sized cities, which we wish to extend later to other countries of the South.

2019