Cultural assimilation

Summary

Cultural assimilation is the process in which a minority group or culture comes to resemble a society's majority group or assimilate the values, behaviors, and beliefs of another group whether fully or partially. The different types of cultural assimilation include full assimilation and forced assimilation. Full assimilation is the more prevalent of the two, as it occurs spontaneously. When used as a political ideology, assimilationism refers to governmental policies of deliberately assimilating ethnic groups into the national culture. During cultural assimilation, minority groups are expected to adapt to the everyday practices of the dominant culture through language and appearance as well as via more significant socioeconomic factors such as absorption into the local cultural and employment community. Some types of cultural assimilation resemble acculturation in which a minority group or culture completely assimilates into the dominant culture in which defining characteristics of

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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_assimilation

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Belin2003

Throughout Europe, the dominant housing production practices of the last century seem to be running out of steam. Housing is looking for a future. The weakening of the power of the state, the instability of the markets and the ecological emergency have led to the emergence of another way of thinking based on the "common". Still in the process of being defined at the interdisciplinary level, this dynamic could distinguish two directions on the architectural level. The first is quantitatively the most marginal, and yet the most mediatized. It concerns the fascination exerted by the recent achievements of housing cooperatives on European architects. In the lead, Zurich's experiences represent a horizon of action on its own for the rest of Europe. At their peak, housing in clusters embodies the highest level of innovation in the sharing of living space, as a socially, economically and environmentally virtuous solution. The experiences of sharing by small communities, in a positive assimilation of the theory of commons, represents a first axis of innovation. Taking an opposite direction to the local affirmation of sharing, the second axis is that of non-differentiation; in support of a much broader tradition of what “common” means: that of the city, of public space, of globalization, in a greater integration of difference and diversity. It involves the development of the services economy, the uprooting of professional activity, the increase in life mobilities, in other words the saving through large-scale sharing. It approaches the question of the third way in a more liberal but also indisputably more widespread form, in a fragmentation of public and private registers, which cooperative housing continues to preserve. Distinguishing these two trajectories, on the theoretical and spatial levels, seems useful to glimpse the spatial stakes, but also the cross-potentialities, of major deformations of the domestic sphere.

University of Nottingham2020

Turkey has been allowing immigrants from the early years of the republic. Most immigrants were from Greece due to the nation building policies after Lausanne Peace Agreement of 1923, forced to displacement through population exchanges between Turkey and Greece. However, the immigrants were mostly from Bulgaria after the Second World War, forced to displacement based on ideological and political tensions between the Bulgarian and Turkish governments within the two-poled world system. The displacement of the Bulgarian immigrants continued at intervals through mutual opening and closing of borders during the Cold War, but 1950 and 1989 are of significant importance in scenarios of domesticity. The Turkish Government initiated two different housing programs for settling the Bulgarian immigrants in Turkey after 1950 and 1989. Both programs were performed as part of ideological dispositions against communism whereas they differed in socio-spatial tools of integrating immigrants to their new homes. The former settlement program was assisted by the financial and technical assistance programs of the Marshall Plan whereas the latter was performed by a national institution called as the Migrant Housing Administration, which was founded as a branch of the Mass Housing Administration to perform planning, design and construction of migrant housing. The experiences of 1950 and 1989 share a top-down policy in the application of few housing types in all regions regardless of local characteristics of populations, but differ in terms of socio-spatial policies as well as settlement morphologies and housing typologies. The former program was headed towards rural settlement in single-family housing blocks of vernacular characteristics whereas the latter was focused on urban/suburban settlement in low-cost and standardized multi-family housing blocks. In this regard, this presentation aims to discuss public housing experiences of both periods via discursive formations in socio-spatial practices of settling and home-making by comparative analysis of multiple cases.

2019